"Territorial Expansion," by Lucien Sanial [1901]. Full text of a pamphlet published in 1901 by the New York Labor News Co.. This is an early Marxist analysis of the phenomenon of imperialism written by one of the leading figures in the Socialist Labor Party of America. Sanial states that "the time comes when the capitalists of such a country as the United States, where this capitalistic phenomenon of a rapidly growing difference between Product and Wages is most accentuated, are confronted on all sides by an accumulation of commodities, which, ever so small as compared with the stupendous but unused forces of production at their command, challenges their power of exchange or waste.They are actually, then, 'smothering in their own grease.'" In response, Sanial notes, "they must expand abroad or burst." At first the capitalists seek only commercial expansion, Sanial states, but at a certain point "other means" are inevitably devised "to enlarge the foreign outlet" -- territorial expansion. In the United States, the growth of surplus value production had grown by an incredible rate through the implementation of new labor-saving production technology and "American capitalism has reached that point of 'suffocation by wealth,'" Sanial states.
JANUARY 1901
"An Address to Populists Setting Forth the Difference between the Populist Movement and the Socialist Movement — Populists Should Join the SDP, but They Must Realize What It Means," by "Wage Earner" [Jan. 5, 1901] A lengthy appeal from the Springfield Social Democratic Party paper St. Louis Labor, calling for disaffected left wing members of the faltering People's Party to join the Social Democratic Party of America. The tepid program of the People's Party is the subject of scorn here: "The Middle-of-the-Road platform upholds individualism; the private ownership of capital; the competitive system; the profit system; wage slavery, and ignores the class struggle," the author notes, adding that the platform is merely providing lip service for a dying class. "The middle class capitalist will be completely buried within the next four years," the author predicts. "No power on earth can save him. The evolution of civilization has decreed the extinction of the middle class." To the currency reform obsessed Populists, the author submits a highly utopian alternative: "Under socialism, private ownership and barter in capital being at an end, money would lose the functions which it possessed under capitalism and would be abolished. The Socialists propose to use non-transferable labor certificates which each individual would receive in an amount equal to his per capita proportion of the annual national product."
FEBRUARY 1901
"Socialism and the Negro Problem," by Charles H. Vail [Feb. 1901] Lengthy article from the International Socialist Review by Rev. Charles H. Vail, National Organizer for the Social Democratic Party of America and later the Socialist Party. Vail states that it was the unprofitableness of the chattel slavery system that led to its abandonment in the northern states, replaced by the even more onerous system of wage slavery, in which workers were placed in the unenviable position of competing against one another to sell their labor-power on the market. According to Vail, "The chattel method was fully as desirable for the slave, for the owner, having a stake in the life and health of his slave, desired to keep him in good condition. The wage slave-owner however, does not particularly care whether his wage slave lives or dies, for he has no money invested in him, and there are thousands of others to take his place." The race question was largely an element of the main question: capitalist exploitation of all labor. In Vail's view the solution of this lay in "the abolition of wage slavery and the emancipation of both black and white from the servitude to capitalist masters." Under socialism, educational opportunities for workers of all races would be developed and racial bigotry would be gradually eliminated since "race prejudice cannot exist with true enlightenment." Vail declares that "Socialism recognizes no class nor race distinction. It draws no line of exclusion. Under Socialism the Negro will enjoy, equally with the whites, the advantages and opportunities for culture and refinement. In this higher education we may be sure race prejudices will be obliterated."
MARCH 1901
"Report of the Provisional National Executive Committee of the Social Democratic Party of America, March 9, 1901," by Henry L. Slobodin Published minutes of the March 1901 session of the National Executive Committee of the Springfield organization of the Social Democratic Party of America. Revealed here are the results of balloting on the question of a unity convention. The rank-and-file of the Springfield SDP is overwhelmingly supportive of a unity convention being held, with only 2.6% of those voting opposing the notion. Support for including the Socialist Labor Party (from whence the Springfield SDP came) in this convention is similarly overwhelming, with only 3.9% of voters opposing such an appeal. All 11 points submitted in the referendum were approved by a similar margin. Chief vote-getter for location of the convention is Indianapolis -- apparently echoing the first choice of the Chicago SDP -- with Chicago and Buffalo each getting a like number of votes. The list of new locals is heavy in the states of Washington and New York, clearly two centers of Springfield SDP activity. A five member arrangements committee, chaired by Leon Greenbaum of St. Louis, is appointed to conduct further negotiations with the Chicago SDP and others for the unity convention. The Springfield SDP objects to the suggestion of September 1901 for the joint unity convention, preferring a meeting in June or July.
"Crimes of Carnegie," by Eugene V. Debs [March 30, 1901] Socialist orator and publicist Gene Debs takes aim at "the alleged philanthropy" of steel magnate Andrew Carnegie and those who accept it in this article from The Missouri Socialist. "The reckless prodigality of Carnegie with the plunder of his victims brings into boldest prominence the crimes he committed when they protested against his monstrous rapacity," Debs declares. The memory of the bloody Homestead strike is recalled, in which "an army of 300 Pinkerton mercenaries were hired by this bloody benefactor to kill the men whose labor had made him a millionaire." Debs continues: "Not only were the Pinkerton murderers hired by Carnegie to kill his employees, but he had his steel works surrounded by wires charged with deadly electric currents and by pipes filled with boiling water so that in the event of a strike or lockout he could shock the life out of their wretched bodies or scald the flesh from their miserable bones. And this is the man who proposes to erect libraries for the benefit of the working class - and incidentally for the glory of Carnegie." Debs remarks that "Some years ago, when Carnegie endowed the first library for the alleged benefit of workingmen, I objected. And I object now with increased emphasis. Such a library is monumental of the degeneracy of the working class. It is a lasting rebuke to their intelligence and their integrity." "Let honest workingmen everywhere protest against the acceptance of a gift which condones crime in the name of philanthropy," Debs insists.
APRIL 1901
Letter to Theodore Debs, National Secretary of the "Chicago" Social Democratic Party from William Butscher, National Secretary of the "Springfield" Social Democratic Party, April 18, 1901. Further correspondence between the head of the ex-SLP "Springfield" Social Democratic Party and his counterpart atop the ex-SDA "Chicago" organization. Butscher acknowledges the receipt from Theodore Debs (brother of Gene Debs) of a convention call for a Unity Convention approved by the membership of the Chicago organization. "While your party was voting upon your call, our party, by practically unanimous vote, adopted a resolution, a copy of which I enclose and which, you will notice, calls for a general convention of the Socialists in terms similar to those in your call," Butscher notes, adding "It is with great pleasure that we exercise the authority conferred on us by the said resolution and accept your invitation for a joint unity convention." The two organizations would subsequently unite with a couple smaller grouplets as the Socialist Party of America.
"Socialists Who Would Emasculate Socialism," by Eugene V. Debs [April 20, 1901] In this column from the official organ of the Social Democratic Party of America, Eugene Debs takes aim at middle class reformers who deny the reality of the class struggle and thus "betray their trusting victims to the class that robs them without pity and riots in the proceeds without shame." Debs asserts that "We count every one against us who is not with us and opposed to the capitalist class, especially those 'reformers' of chicken hearts who are for everybody, especially themselves, and against nobody." While he acknowledges that while most such reformers are "honest and well-meaning, I know that some of them, by no means inconspicuous, are charlatans and frauds. They are the representatives of middle class interests, and the shrewd old politicians of the capitalist parties are not slow to perceive and take advantage of their influence. They are 'Socialists' for no other purpose than to emasculate Socialism. Beaten in the capitalist game by better shufflers, dealers, and players, they have turned 'reformers' and are playing that for what there is in it. They were failures as preaches and lawyers and politicians and capitalists. In their new role as "reformers" they dare not offend the capitalist exploiters, for their revenue depends upon their treason to the exploited slaves over whom they mourn dolefully and shed crocodile tears." In an unrelated tidbit, Debs provides bulletin board material for Left Wing professors everywhere: "Free speech is not tolerated in the Stanford University, nor in any other university, and whatever may be the boast of the educators in such institutions, the fact remains that they are as certainly the wage-slaves of capitalism as are the coal diggers in the anthracite mines of Pennsylvania."
JUNE 1901
"Ruskin College: The American Side of the Oxford Movement." (Appeal to Reason) [June 1, 1901] Short blurb promoting Walter Vrooman's new adult education facility, Ruskin College, located in the small town of Trenton, Missouri and modeled after Vrooman's similarly-named endeavor in Oxford, England. The $40,000 building was located on a 1500 acre farm and was the site not only of standard academic classes but also vocational activities, including a carpentry shop, farming, and sewing. The school was loose and unstructured: "There is no ironclad curriculum; on the contrary, the course is at all times subject to change and improvement, thus offering many advantages over the old-fashioned way. this plan, one can readily see, is conducive to growth on the part of the faculty, and stimulates and brings forth their best effort." End degree was a Bachelor of Arts, the blurb indicates. Includes a color photo of the building as it appears today (largely unchanged, it would seem.)
"Minutes of the Meeting of the National Executive Committee of the Social Democratic Party of America: Springfield, MA -- June 1, 1901," by Henry L. Slobodin This document contains the full text of the Springfield SDP's official convention call for the Joint Unity Convention which established the Socialist Party of America. Rather than dealing with phantom locals and paper members, the basis of representation was to be on the basis of individual signatures on convention documents. Each state was instructed to select an official state delegate, who would receive the credential signatures of any local or branch not electing a delegate. Locals electing delegates were left to their own devices as whether to join with other locals to elect a single delegate or to elect one or more delegates themselves; they were also to assign signatures (which would translate into votes at the convention) as they saw fit. Executive Secretary William Butscher was designated to write and give the official report of the Springfield SDP at the Unity Convention, which was slated to begin July 29, 1901 in Indianapolis.
"The July Convention," by Eugene V. Debs [June 15, 1901] With the July 1901 Socialist Unity Conference approaching, Social Democratic Party leader Eugene Debs shared the following thoughts with the party faithful in the organization's official organ, the Social Democratic Herald. All parties except for the (Regular) SLP had accepted the invitation to the Indianapolis convention, Debs said. While regrettable in one sense, at the same time Debs thought that this might be for the best, since "it must be admitted that more or less danger attends the converging of factions which have long been divided and are still (being human) influenced by their prejudices and their antipathies." Debs expressed his belief that a united party was "inevitable" and expressed the view that a primary necessity for the new organization would be "a platform that will bear the test of critical analysis. By this I do not mean that we shall quibble and split hairs, but that so far as the fundamental principles of Socialism are concerned, they shall be stated with such clearness as to silence all reasonable question as to our party being free from the taint of compromise and in harmonious alliance with the Socialist movement of the world." He expressed a strong preference for a decentralized organization, one in which "every state absolutely control its own affairs, thus leaving little for the national party to do except in years of Presidential campaigns. In this particular we can safely follow the methods of the old parties, whose leaders are adepts at organization." Interestingly, Debs foresees a problem in rapid organizational growth, calling it "a danger which will threaten the Socialist movement more and more as it advances to political prominence."
"Some of the Theories of Party Organization: Before the Form of an Instrument is Decided There Must be a Clear Conception of the Use to be Made of It," by Margaret Haile [June 22, 1901] Social Democratic Party National Executive Board member Margaret Haile published this rather lengthy article in the official organ of the party in an attempt to advance discussion in the ranks of the SDP as to what form of organization it desired in the forthcoming Socialist Party. Haile advocated a modified form of current party structure, noting "At the present juncture we are in danger of tinkering too much with the form of organization, without reference to the work that has to be done.... We are not striving after an association which shall exemplify the principles of pure democracy, as the primary object of its existence; nor yet a political party whose first object shall be to boost men with political hankerings into their desired haven." Instead, she saw the party's task as primarily educational, that of converting a "majority of the people" to the cause of socialism. "The election of a socialist to office here and there is not so important as new recruits in our ranks are apt to imagine, except for its educational effect. What kind of a benefit has socialism received from having a socialist may here and there or a socialist representative or two in the state house? Principally the advertising it gives the movement and the strength and courage imparted to us by success," she states. Rather, the most pressing need she saw was for a careful analysis of the labor situation in America, followed by the creation and propagation of a specialized literature, targeted to specific groups and written in a comprehensible language. Early SDP political successes had both advantages and disadvantages, in Haile's view: "They have infected many of us with the political fever, to the detriment of the great work of national education. It is possible for a new party to carry too much political sail for the depth of its educational keel and the weight of its numerical ballast. Socialism must not be cramped into ward politics any more than into colonies." Structurally, Haile favors an idea which had gained currency in the party -- a "National Committee" composed of a representative of each state in the new organization -- but seeks retention of centralized national organization, of which state and local units were to be an intrinsic part, and continuation of membership dues rather than a new form of voluntary financing. She asks for further comments on her ideas or alternative proposals.
"'The Mission of Socialism is Wide as the World': Speech at Chicago, Illinois," by Eugene V. Debs [July 4, 1901] Lengthy Independence Day speech by Eugene Debs, never republished since its original appearance in the pages of the Social Democratic Herald. Debs takes a rather more radical position on the American flag than he would a decade hence, declaring "I am not of those who worship the flag. I have no respect for the stars and stripes, or for any other flag that symbolizes slavery. It does not matter to me what others may think, say, or do.... Not very long ago the President of the country [William McKinley], in the attitude of mock heroics, asked who would haul down the flag. I will tell him. Triumphant Socialism will haul down that flag and every other that symbolizes capitalist class rule and wage slavery." Debs adds that "I am a patriot, but in the sense that I love all countries," giving the highest praise for an aphorism of Thomas Paine: "Where liberty is honored, that is my country." Debs explains the rise and fall of chattel slavery and its replacement by wage slavery as a by-product of the development of industrial technology. He calls upon the working class to organize itself and to assert its class interests as vigorously as the capitalist class advances theirs. He tells his audience "It will not do for you to go to the polls and vote for some good men on some of the tickets and expect relief in that way. What can a good man do if he should happen to get to Congress? What could he do? Why, he simply would be polluted or helpless, or both. What we want is not to reform the capitalist system. We want to get rid of it." Debs states that "The revolution is under way, but, like all revolutions, it is totally blind. It is in the nature of great social forces that they sometimes sweep humanity down. Let us work so that this revolution may come in peace. Socialists are organized to pave the way for its peaceful culmination." He adds that whether socialism comes "next year or next century, or in a thousand centuries" is of no particular concern to him, that if but a single Socialist should survive "I would be that one against the world" -- and he advises his listeners to think likewise.
"The Task of the Convention: An Unparalleled Opportunity to Organize the Socialist Forces for Future Progress," by Morris Hillquit [July 28, 1901] Leader of the Springfield SDP (former SLP Right) Morris Hillquit offers his perspective on the forthcoming founding convention of the Socialist Party of America, to be held in Indianapolis in a matter of days. Thousands of American workers were "ripe for Socialism," Hillquit states, lacking only a political organization "to shape those popular currents and to organize these elements in a well directed battle against the forces of capital." Hillquit states that the forthcoming convention "will either create such a party, and thus become one of the greatest landmarks in the history of our movement, or it will miss the splendid opportunity and thus become a lamentable failure. Whether it will do the one or the other the future will show." Hillquit states that the ideal Socialist party is one which has two things: (1) a clear and definite understanding of scientific Socialism as applied to the social conditions of the country in which it is organized (a good platform); and (2) an intelligent, active, and enthusiastic membership working in unison for the propaganda of Socialism on a well planned system of division of labor and in complete harmony with each other (an efficient form of organization). Hillquit offers a rather muted critique of Victor Berger's conception of state autonomy; such a model might work suitably for a fully developed organization, in Hillquit's opinion, but excessive state autonomy would retard the growth and success of a fledgling organization. "While the party is weak and scattered in small organizations all over the country, a central administrative body with large powers is the only thing that will united these scattered bodies into one compact party, and extend and strengthen the organization," Hillquit states. As the organization develops, the need for such a strong central authority will diminish, in his view.
"The Socialist Party. Indianapolis Convention Effects Union of All Parties Represented in Response to Call of the Social Democratic Party: State Autonomy Guaranteed: Immediate Demands Adopted After Prolonged Debate -- Headquarters Located in St. Louis -- The New Constitution." [events of July 29-Aug. 1, 1901] This is an extremely important document, the definitive newspaper account of the Joint Unity Convention which established the Socialist Party of America. Amalgamating were two main groups -- the "Chicago" Social Democratic Party of Victor Berger, the Debs Bros., Margaret Haile, and youngsters John Work and James Oneal; and the "Springfield (MA)" Social Democratic Party of Morris Hillquit, Henry Slobodin, James Carey, Max Hayes, William Mailly, and Job Harriman. Also joining the unification party were independent state socialist parties from Texas, Kansas, Iowa, Nebraska, and Kentucky. Chairman of the convention by acclamation was Christian Socialist George Herron -- a pro-unity independent figure married to neither post-SLP Kautskyianism or post-Populist Bernsteinism. This lengthy document (9 pages) includes a sketch of daily happenings, committee assignments, text of various resolutions, the full text of the SPA's platform and constitution, and a complete list of delegates. Published in the (now Milwaukee) Social Democratic Herald and thus indicative of the Berger SDP's perspective, rather than that of the Hillquit group. Includes copious footnotes. An indispensable resource for those interested in the history of 20th Century American Socialism -- print and save.
"Convention at Indianapolis: Delegates Execute the Mandate of the Rank and File and Secure a United Socialist Party -- Synopsis of the Proceedings -- Selection of Committees -- "Immediate Demands" -- Platform, Constitution, and Resolutions -- Name "Socialist Party" Adopted - St. Louis Selected as Seat of National Committee with Greenbaum as National Secretary -- Harmony Marks the Entire Proceedings..." by A.M. Simons [events of July 29-Aug. 1, 1901] Algie Simons, former member of the SLP, editor of the Chicago Workers' Call and International Socialist Review, was one of the leading figures of the Left Wing at the founding convention of the Socialist Party of America in 1901 -- an advocate of the abolition of all "Immediate Demands" from the party platform. This is his account of the convention, which he characterized as enormously successful and the turning point from which "a new era had arisen in the history of socialism." Simons provides a day-by-day account of events and lists the two biggest topics of debate as the question of "Immediate Demands" (the inclusion of which was decided by a vote of 5,358 to 1,325 proxies) and the matter of "State Autonomy" (as opposed to a centralized party) decided in favor of autonomous state organizations and a weak national office, though Simons provides no detail on this debate. A resonant quotation appears in Simons' concluding remarks, when he says: "the spirit of stupid intolerance has been largely eradicated, while not an atom of the revolutionary position has been abandoned. Disruption, based upon personalities and misunderstandings which accumulate in intensity as opponents obstinately resolve not to understand or make reasonable allowances for each other's position, differences on minor details of tactics, we may assert with tolerable assurance, will never again be permitted to occur.... Disruption can only come in the future when fundamental principles are threatened. In such cases it seems unavoidable, and on the whole perhaps it is best that this should be so. If there is any tendency in the future which will bring fundamental differences of principle into the Socialist ranks...then internal struggles will break forth anew despite our efforts; but if not, it devolves upon us entirely to see that minor questions and disputes and misunderstandings are not permitted to produce an effect that can only be reasonably caused by divergence on essential principles."
"Minority Report of the Platform Committee Made to the Socialist Unity Convention, Indianapolis, IN -- August 1, 1901," by A.M. Simons Chicago journalist Algie Simons represented the Left Wing at the founding convention of the Socialist Party of America, reporting out of the Platform Committee as a committee of 1 and addressing the convention with his proposal to eliminate all planks calling for ameliorative reform from the platform of the new party. Simons argues that "economic development demands that we should stand clear-cut and square on the fact that between us and capitalism there is no common ground; that between us there is naught but an abyss into which he who seeks to bridge it will only fall into absolute oblivion. " This was not to be confused with an absolute rejection of all ameliorative reform, he notes, but rather the set of proposals advocated in the Socialist platform. He challenges his opponents that "It devolves upon you to demonstrate that these measures are ameliorative to the working class of America. You will have made a strong point if you can demonstrate that these immediate demands are something of which the benefit to the laborers will be commensurate with the sidetracking of the Socialist movement, with the turning aside of the forces of revolution, and with the energy that must be exerted in order to push them forward." Simons implores, "Let us stand as the representatives of the clearest-cut opposition to capitalism the world has ever seen; let us stand in the forefront of the revolutionary movement of the world; let us send out from here a platform that will represent revolutionary socialism..."
"In Defense of 'Immediate Demands': A Reply to A.M. Simons at the Socialist Unity Convention, Indianapolis, IN -- August 1, 1901," by Gustav A. "Gus" Hoehn Veteran St. Louis Socialist Gus Hoehn takes on Algie Simons for proposing the deletion of all "immediate demands" from the platform of the new Socialist Party of America. Hoehn contends that far from being a clear-cut expression of revolutionary Socialism, Simons' position is "the most ridiculous and most reactionary position that was ever taken by any labor representative in the Socialist movement." Hoehn warns that "if a platform of this kind should be adopted by the Social Democratic Party, the Social Democratic Party would be a thing of the past. Because you cannot feed the people on wind, and all that your so-called revolutionary position amounts to is to go out to the people of the country, to the wage working class, and preach revolutionary wind. " Hoehn cites the example of the 1880s social revolutionist trend in the SLP, which interrupted the progress of a socialist party that had elected officials to city and state offices by adopting a platform which went to "the extreme of adopting the Communist Manifesto of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels; and to show that they were the revolutionary party, that they were the true Socialist Party, they cut out of the Communist Manifesto the immediate demands." For the Socialist Party to do the same thing "would lead us right back into the old anarchist movement, and in less than 5 years, instead of having a Socialist movement, you would have another anarchist movement," Hoehn warns, adding that such a state of events is exactly what the capitalist politicians of America desired.
"A Veteran's Appeal for Unity: Address to the Founding Convention of the Socialist Party of America, Indianapolis, IN -- August 1, 1901," by Julius Vahlteich Vahlteich, a 61 year old German-American with 44 years' participation in the Socialist movement in Germany and America, delivered the first English-language speech in his life to the Socialist Unity Convention that established the Socialist Party of America. Regarding the possible failure to achieve unity by the convention as a potential disaster, Vahlteich states that he considers it his duty to "at least attempt to bring to bear my influence on the hot-headed in our camp, inasmuch that they learn to know and appreciate the first duty of every soldier of the Revolution -- the subordination of personal interests, personal feelings and thoughts to the common interest of all." Vahlteich acknowledges that throughout the history of modern socialism "there are two principal views which struggle with each other." On the one hand are those who "proclaim themselves as loudly as possible to be revolutionists." This tendency "speak warmly against compromise, and would like to see the socialist army corps guarded against every touch of the non-socialists. They have a keen scent for traitors in their own ranks, mistrust all who are not toilers, and are impatient to deliver the last deciding stroke for the foundation of socialist society." On the other hand are those who "do not believe in the theory of a catastrophe, but rather in the organic growth of the old society into the new one." This group "do not fear compromises or temporary companionship with non-socialistic parties. They do not want to restrict their activity to participation in elections, but also seek to influence the people in an educational way, especially by furthering the cooperative work." Vahlteich notes that programs change over time and cites the example of the unification of the German movement at Gotha in 1875 as a model for the American socialist movement to emulate. Though Marx is called right in his criticism of specifics of the program, the German movement was still more right to unite on the basis of that program -- "never since 1875 have the German socialists given to the world the disgraceful spectacle of political disruption in the fight against the common foe," Vahlteich notes.
"Constitution of the Socialist Party of America: Adopted by the Socialist Unity Convention, Indianapolis, IN -- July 29 to Aug. 1, 1901." Basic document of party law of the newly established Socialist Party of America. The initial SPA Constitution provided for "state autonomy" -- an extremely weak central organization, funded by 5 cent contributions per member per month by the various state organizations. It was the state organizations which were to retain "sole jurisdiction of the members residing within their respective territories, and the sole control of all matters pertaining to the propaganda, organization, and financial affairs within such state or territory, and the National Executive Committee and sub-committees or officers thereof shall have no right to interfere in such matters without the consent of the respective state or territorial organizations." Authority between conventions was vested in a governing National Committee of the party, consisting of one elected Committeeman from each state, plus five additional members from the headquarters city named as a "Local Quorum" to act in an executive capacity. The National Committee was to meet regularly no more than once each year. It was given the power to select the National Secretary and the Local Quorum, but the constitution expressly stated that it "shall neither publish nor designate any official organ." The result was a federation of largely autonomous state organizations, each of which "may organize in such way or manner, and under such rules and regulations, as it may determine, but not in conflict with the provisions of this constitution."
"Constitution of the Socialist Party of America: Adopted in National Convention at Indianapolis, Ind., August 1, 1901 -- as revised." This is the version of the SPA's constitution in effect on the eve of the 1904 Party Convention, with editorial footnotes indicating the specific alterations made to the document over the party's first 2-1/2 years. Chief among the changes made in this interval were a respecification of the Local Quorum -- a 5 member body that approximated the National Executive Committee in function; the alteration of the position of National Secretary to a position with a fixed 1 year term of office; and the elimination of constitutionally-required reporting by the Executive Secretary and the National Committee to the state organizations. Also apparently removed was a paragraph that was probably regarded as superfluous at the time but which would be a matter of extreme import 15 years hence, specifically: "The platform of the Socialist Party, adopted in convention or by referendum vote, shall be the supreme declaration of the party, and all state and municipal organizations shall, in the adoption of their platforms, conform thereto." This fundamental position remains in less strenuous language in Art. VI, Sec. 1: "Each state or territory may organize in such way or manner, and under such rules and regulations, as it may determine, but not in conflict with the provisions of this constitution."
"Negro Resolution Adopted by Indianapolis Convention." [adopted August 1, 1901] There were two primary resolutions passed by the Unity Convention which established the Socialist Party of America, both widely reprinted: one on labor and the trade union movement and a second on the so-called negro question. This "Negro Resolution" remarks that "both the old political parties and educational and religious institutions alike betray the negro in his helpless struggle against disfranchisement and violence, in order to receive the economic favors of the capitalist class." The resolution declares the black worker's interests are identical with "the interests and struggles of the workers of all lands, without regard to race, or color, or sectional lines" and that "the causes which have made the victim of social and political inequality are the effects of the long exploitation of his labor-power." Further, it is asserted that "all social and race prejudices spring from the ancient economic causes which still endure, to the misery of the whole human family." The black worker is invited "to membership and fellowship with us in the world movement for economic emancipation by which equal liberty and opportunity shall be secured to every man and fraternity become the order of the world." Evidence that the question of racism was not blindly ignored but was rather given consideration and attention by the Socialist Party of America from the time of its origin.
"The Unity Convention," by Walter Thomas Mills [Aug. 1, 1901] Short report regarding the formation of the Socialist Party by socialist orator and correspondence school administrator Walter Thomas Mills. The 150 delegates in attendance at Indianapolis represented a membership of 12,000, Mills observes, adding that the work over the four days of the convention had been earnest and unmarred by personal strife. "The new constitution provides for state autonomy, there is to be no national organ, each organized state will carry on its own propaganda, each state will furnish its own share of the national funds in its own way — with or without dues as it may elect," Mills notes. He indicates that party headquarters will be in St. Louis, MO -- not an irrational choice as it was at the time the 4th largest city in America with a massive German-American population. Leon Greenbaum had been chosen as the group's first National Secretary, Mills remarks.
"Letter to State, Territorial, and Local Organizations of the Socialist Party of America, August 10, 1901," by Leon Greenbaum Initial communication to the members of the newly established Socialist Party from first Executive Secretary of the organization, Leon Greenbaum. Greenbaum announces that he and the provisional St. Louis Local Quorum are officially ready for action, with the first task at hand designing new charters for Locals of the organization, to be obtained through exchange for the charters in hand of the old constituent parties of the organization. The National Committee is to be funded by a 5 cent per member per month assessment, to be paid by state organizations and the locals themselves in unorganized states and territories. "The amount and character of the work performed by your National Committee depends in a great measure on the promptness with which said committee is supplied with funds," he reminds the party members.
"Decoy Ducks and Quack Remedies," by Leon Greenbaum [Aug. 10, 1901] Pamphlet-length propaganda article by St. Louis trade unionist Leon Greenbaum, the first Executive Secretary of the newly formed Socialist Party of America. Greenbaum explains the relationship between mechanization in industry and unemployment and holds up Socialism as the only possible way for the working class to escape from an increasingly grim "wage slavery." Greenbaum particularly warns of "independent reform parties" as the "decoy ducks" of the capitalist class, tricking the workers to maintain the wage labor system of capitalism with their temporary and insufficient ameliorative reform proposals, thereby leaving themselves at the mercy of the employers. "In order to rescue the people from the clutches of the capitalist class, we must have public ownership of lands, houses, dry goods, shoes, etc., and all other capital. Then the private capitalist will no longer squeeze us with the profit system. The public will be its own capitalist. It won’t squeeze itself. It will just hug itself for joy," Greenbaum opines. "If you believe in Socialism, vote for it. It will never come any other way," Greenbaum declares.
"International School of Social Economy: A Correspondence and Training School for Socialists." (Appeal to Reason) [Aug. 17, 1901] The "Little Giant" of constructive socialism, Walter Thomas Mills, was perceived by some of his contemporaries as a self-serving and self-promoting featherbedder -- carving out a comfortable niche for himself as the purveyor of an overpriced textbook and the operator of a series of ethically sketchy socialist schools. Even if this extremely cynical interpretation of motives was correct, it remains a fact that Mills was the originator of training schools in the Socialist Party of America, with his efforts predating the better-known Rand School of Social Science by half a decade. This article from the mass circulation Appeal to Reason details an alliance between Mills and Appeal publisher Julius Wayland to relocate Mills' correspondence school from Chicago and to open a bricks-and-mortar institution in Girard, Kansas, home of the Appeal. Wayland and Mills pledge to donate all surplus funds generated by their respective businesses over an (unspecified) salary paid to each to establishment of the school, which was to conduct a 12 week program beginning in the fall of 1901 in "political and economic history, voice culture, practice in speaking, ... training in the work of a canvasser and organizer, and parliamentary drill." In the same spirit as national military service, the unmarried young people trained as party organizers by the school were to give "four or five years of their time to the cause of Socialism," it is intimated. Career opportunities would subsequently ensue for these graduates as part of the "army of workers" needed to "help administer the affairs of the country when Socialism has been secured," the article claims. Mills' Girard scheme for a socialist training school predated the "People's College" established down the road in Fort Scott, KS, with which he was associated, by more than a decade.
"The National Committee at Work," by Walter Thomas Mills [Aug. 20, 1901] Socialist lecturer Walter Thomas Mills pays a visit on Socialist Party Headquarters in St. Louis to find the governing National Committee in session, he reports in this short dispatch to the Appeal to Reason. He finds the one room office occupied by the party to be "large, light, conveniently finished" and the National Committee to be "direct and businesslike." National Organizer Charles Vail was on hand to make a report, fresh from a Western tour, and he reported big meetings everywhere with a trend for former members of the People's Party to join the newly organized SPA, especially in the states of Oregon and Washington. Vail noted that these former Populists shared a common conviction that their party had failed because it tried to reform within the capitalist system, Mills reports.
"Constitution of the Socialist Party of St. Louis: Adopted August 26th, 1901." What is today known as "instruction creep" is evident in the constitution of the Local St. Louis of the newly organized Socialist Party, with the document more than twice as long as the equivalent document for Local St. Louis of the Social Democratic Party from one year previous. The Missouri Socialist (later renamed St. Louis Labor) is specified as the official organ of Local St. Louis. Organization is on the basis of electoral ward branches, with only five members needed for the establishment of a branch. Expulsion procedures are spelled out in detail. Dues of 15 cents per member per month paid to the City Central Committee are specified.
OCTOBER 1901
"Will Meet in a Tent" by E. Val Putnam [event of Oct. 18-19, 1901] News account of the forthcoming first convention of the Socialist Party of Missouri. In the aftermath of the September 1901 assassination of William McKinley by an anarchist, a red scare ensued, during which the Sedalia Citizens' Alliance organized a boycott by meeting hall owners to prevent the Socialist Party of Missouri from renting a hall in the town for their scheduled state convention, to be held Oct. 19. Rather than cancel or move the gathering, plans were made to obtain a "monster tent which will accommodate 1,000 people" in which to hold the convention. The article reprints quotes from prominent Socialist orators Gene Debs and Walter Thomas Mills and Appeal to Reason Assistant Editor Fred Warren promising to attend the Sedalia conclave. "There is a prospect of great times and every branch in the state should make herculean efforts to send at least one delegate," the article notes.
"Missouri Convention," by E. Val Putnam [event of Oct. 18-19, 1901] Fissures appeared in the boycott of the Socialist Party of Missouri's attempt to rent space for its first convention in Sedalia, MO, this article from the party's weekly newspaper reveals. A vacant lot had been successfully rented in downtown Sedalia for the pitching of a big top tent for the convocation of the meeting. However, at the 11th hour the local lodge of the Knights of Pythias had offered to break the boycott by renting space. While this article indicates that plans for raising a tent were continued, the more practical and conventional venue was ultimately chosen. Walter Thomas Mills announced as keynote speaker at a mass meeting to be held the night before the Oct. 19 opening of the formal convention.
"Victory Over Ignorance: State Convention is a Great Event for the Socialist Movement," by E. Val Putnam [events of Oct. 18-19, 1901] The Sedalia Citizens' Alliance boycott was ultimately broken by the local lodge of the Knights of Pythias and a massive vacant storeroom owned by the lodge was rented to the Socialist Party of Missouri for conduct of its first convention, this newspaper article reports. Constitutional revisions were debated, resolutions passed, and new officers elected for the state organization. The Missouri Socialist was turned over by Local St. Louis to the ownership and control of the state organization, with editor E. Val Putnam retained. Putnam was also elected as the first State Secretary of the SPM, succeeding Chairman of the State Committee George H. Turner, who was himself elected as the state's delegate to the SPA's National Committee. A mass meeting following the conclusion of the convention was attended by 1,000 wildly applauding residents of Sedalia, according to the report, with Debs speaking for 90 minutes, accompanied by a brass band which played "The Marseillaise."
"A Remarkable Growth: List of Local Branches and Secretaries of the Socialist Party of America Up to Oct. 30, 1901." Early records relating to the total membership and structure of the Socialist Party of America are sporadic. This listing of "local branches" published in the Appeal to Reason in the fall of 1901 indicates that the framework was more substantial than the "loose federation of 23 state organizations" mentioned in the literature. Appearing here are the names of "local branches" and their secretaries in 43 states and territories. While most of these names are forgotten, a certain number of these secretaries reappear in Socialist Party history, including State Secretaries James Oneal (Indiana) and Charles H. Kerr (Illinois) as well as local secretaries Julius Gerber (New York City), Emil Herman (Lyman, WA), Anna Maley (Minneapolis), E.N. Richardson (Girard, KS), and Emil Seidel (Renton, WA). As it only took 5 signatures and 5 cents a name dues to the National Office in St. Louis, many of these "local branches" may have been ephemeral. Most developed structures seem to have been in Massachusetts, California, and Washington as well as Wisconsin -- which did not formally register its locals with the National Office until 1905.
NOVEMBER 1901
"Equality Colony: A Brief History Showing Our Objects and Present Condition -- Cooperative Colonies Are Not All Failures," by H.W. Halladay [Nov. 1, 1901] Official history of Equality Colony, a utopian socialist entity located 15 miles from today's Bellingham, Washington, with which Gene Debs was briefly associated as a national organizer. Halladay attempts to paint a positive picture of the colony's experience, while intimating severe difficulties: only 2 of the 15 originators of 1897 remained with the colony four years later, with two of them dead. An influx of 200 additional members in the summer of 1898 was followed by a mass exodus of disillusioned members, so that only 125 individuals of all ages remained by 1901. Conditions were grim and dangerous: five colonists died in accidents and two children were burned to death in a fire. Only with a steady influx of donations was the colony viable -- a task made difficult by the virtual collapse of the Brotherhood of the Cooperative Commonwealth organization, with membership plummeting from a peak of 3,500 to "250 or 300." The colony's main industry was the production of wood products, the writer intimates, including a sawmill capable of producing 20,000 board feet daily and a wood shingle mill. Governance was via a bi-weekly meeting of a general assembly, with a 7 member executive council handling day-to-day operations.
"Appeal to Reason Circulation by States." [Nov. 9, 1901] A snapshot of American Socialist organization at the time of formation of the SPA, as expressed in terms of subscriber count to the weekly Appeal to Reason, the largest circulation socialist publication in the country. Although by reputation a semi-populist agrarian-oriented newspaper focused on the Midwest, California tops the subscriber rolls to the Kansas broadsheet, with 8.6% of total subscribers. On a population basis, Washington's nearly 6500 subscribers in a state of approximately 550,000 people means that nearly 1.25% of the state's residents received the Appeal. The Midwest is well represented, including 4 of the top 5 states -- Ohio, Illinois, Missouri, and Kansas. Penetration of the South, unsurprisingly, is slight.
"Constitution of the Socialist Party of Washington." [as adopted by referendum vote, Nov. 15, 1901]. The early Socialist Party of America was a federation of state organizations, with a loose and delimited central organization. This is the first state constitution adopted by what would emerge as one of the strongest state organizations of the Debsian era, the Socialist Party of Washington. The primary party unit of the SPW was the local, consisting of 5 or more members "believing in the principles of revolutionary Socialism." Dues consisting of 10 cents per member per month were to be paid directly by the local to the State Committee, with the Local Secretary maintaining the membership list and reporting names of officers and reports on the status of the local every six months. No provisions are made for the use of party cards or dues stamps. The SPW was to be governed by annual conventions, which would establish the headquarters city for the state organization. For more on the Socialist Party of Washington, see Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Socialist_Party_of_Washington
